"A circle from which no-one can escape" |
1. Everyone
thinks they know what bureaucracy is about; paperwork, pointless rules, red
tape, computer says no. Despite this seeming familiarity it nonetheless
stubbornly resists conceptualisation. The
critique of bureaucracy - an endeavour once undertaken by all shades of the
political spectrum - has fallen by the wayside in recent decades. The reasons
for this are multiple. Of special significance however was the framing in the
immediate post-war years, of bureaucracy as a phenomenon associated with the
state civil service and mass political parties. Indeed this characterisation -
which has been tacitly accepted - reached its extreme with Ludwig Von Mises On Bureaucracy (1944) in which this
father of neoliberalism blamed government suppression of the profit motive
through regulation (and New Deal style welfarism more generally) for the rise
of bureaucracy in the US. In an echo
of what was to come under Reaganomics and Thatcherism, Von Mises located
central government as the seed bed of bureaucratisation, the stifling of free
enterprise and even totalitarianism itself.
Ludwig von Mises 1881-1973 |
Even before
Von Mises' polemic the Left had an ambivalent relationship with bureaucratic
forms of organisation. On the one hand, Marx in his early writing saw in the
state bureaucracy only an imagined universality which in practice was
preoccupied with little else than securing and legitimising its own forms of
activity and giving rise to a cult of authority. In his writing on the Paris
Commune he went further to claim that the suppression of the city bureaucracy by
cutting their salaries to the level of an average worker was the Commune's
first truly revolutionary measure. Lenin on the other hand viewed the state
bureaucracy predominantly as a weapon of the dominant class and thus as potentially
appropriable by a revolutionary party as a means to transform society. Lenin's
admiration of the 19th century German postal system with its complex but
remarkably efficient structures was well known and became the butt of jokes
from Von Mises about socialists wanting to turn the whole world into a post
office. Lenin's adoption of bureaucracy "for revolutionary means" and
the use the Soviet Union made of it significantly hampered any independent Leftist
critique. Consequently the pejorative "apparatchik" has
become a near synonym for bureaucrat.
Fast forward
to the 1970s and these basic coordinates were the starting point for Claude
Lefort's analysis, with the civil service and mass party as his principle object.
Interestingly though, Lefort raises the problem of bureaucracy's autonomy with
respect to the class struggle and the state. Like Max Weber in the early 20th
century he recognised bureaucratisation as a problem with capitalist
development generally and not simply as emerging as an instrument of class
power. Bureaucracy's rationalism, its reduction of complex tasks to technical,
calculable units and its reliance on impersonal, non-clientalistic relations,
are all factors drawing on wider developments in society. By this account bureaucracy as form of social
organisation seems to have its own internal dynamic, irreducible to traditional
Marxist categories, or for that matter the hyperbolic red scare rhetoric of the
neoliberals. It is as the young Marx observed "a circle from which no-one
can escape" but its essential character is stratification and ordering. As
all the commentators on bureaucracy have noted, its principle tendency is
towards self-expansion, thus mirroring capital's ceaseless drive to accumulation.
But if it's not merely an instrument of the dominant class or an outgrowth of
the state, where then does the power of bureaucracy lie, and where does it
ultimately come from?
These
questions were never really answered. With the advance of neoliberalism in the
West and the collapse of Soviet Communism, social theory moved instead towards
the individual subject and that subject's placement within a network of power
relations. Grand theory attempting to explain the rapidly emerging age of
globalisation took a back seat. The caricature of the state or party bureaucrat
proffered by the Right won the day, and as socialism waned and mass parties
across the West shrunk, critique of bureaucratic power fell into abeyance. In Lefort's analysis however there were the
beginnings of a theory of social power that would be developed throughout the
decade and into the1980s, notably by the likes of Gilles Deleuze, Felix
Guattari and Michel Foucault. Little was done however to contest the notion of
bureaucracy as exclusively a problem with socialism, the big state and mass political
parties. As David Graeber notes in his recent book on the subject, the
instances of the word bureaucracy in English language publications have
fallen steadily after reaching a peak in the mid 1970s. Intriguingly though he
also notes that other terms generally associated with bureaucracy such as paperwork
and performance review have risen dramatically over the same period. Could it
be that rather than disappearing with the Soviet Union and the mass socialist
parties, the problem of bureaucracy has been forgotten? Lost, owing to a theoretical
development that has obscured the basic problem, tying its fate to the wrong
historical figures and leaving us unable to understand how power and order
function in the era of globalisation.
2. An
essential point which has often been overlooked is that bureaucracy is both a
form of social ordering and an ordering power itself. Its nature is order
through and through and one where the edges are difficult to find. Furthermore,
it's an ordered/ordering power distinct from the type of rule making authority
we associate with sovereign nation states. In other words, bureaucracy does not
attempt to ground itself in anything like a popular will or charismatic leader.
As Weber noted, charismatic power is antithetical to the impersonal power of
the bureaucrat. The cult leader or Medieval King might draw his power directly from
his person, but the public official draws theirs from their position within the
hierarchy. Rarely do bureaucrats or officials of any kind feel the need to
justify themselves in political terms since their sphere of actions is deemed
to be purely technical or administrative and relations with others governed by
contracts of the business rather than social kind. This does not mean however
that the power of the bureaucrat is neutral or benign. Indeed the lack of a
traditional centre of authority is one of the more often complained about
aspects of bureaucracy. How often do people demand to "speak to someone in
charge" when dealing with a big company or state service? What people want
is someone with the authority to "cut through the red tape" and just
make a decision. Often such a person simply does not exist (charismatic
individuals tend to be weeded out by bureaucracies). Authority in a bureaucracy
is widely dispersed and jurisdiction heavily prescribed. The lowest call centre
workers or even their supervisors simply don't have the power to interpret the
rules, whereas senior managers know next to nothing of the details of their
businesses and are transfixed by metrics and key performance indicators that
tell them nothing of the reality on the floor. A general incompetence prevails,
yet the money continues to roll in while lives are daily thrown into turmoil.
What are the basic characteristics here? Let's think
again about the most generic description of bureaucracy; ordering and
stratification, nominally independent of sovereign (or if you like political)
power. Ordering is perhaps too general a concept to be of much use here. Armies
are heavily ordered and have chains of command, but soldiers are not
bureaucrats, though the upper echelons of the armed forces are sometimes
considered to be. And we can think of endless examples of highly ordered human arrangements
that are not stratified; a football team for example or the members of a
theatre troop. Workers too might have many different roles but all be on the
same grade at a big company, in practice organising the work between
themselves. Management on the other hand we always tend to associate with
"layers". The relationship between modern managerialism and
bureaucracy is an important part of this story which we'll leave for another
day. Of our two principle concepts we're thus left with stratification, or to
be more precise, hierarchy. No true bureaucracy is without hierarchy and every
description of bureaucracy from Marx to Graeber emphasises it as a fundamental
trait. Have we not however ended up back where we began with a familiar concept,
the very familiarity of which resists precise determination? What then is
hierarchy? It's a Greek word, the origin of which is in fact very precisely, though
not very widely known. Rather than
denoting mere gradation it refers to a totalising form of order and action that
operates explicitly within an economic context. Economic, that is, in its
broadest sense as the administration of people and things.
There is no unambiguous
translation; however, Marx, when he referred to bureaucracy's "cult of
authority" and Weber, when he described the "ideological halo of the
bureaucrat", may have had some inkling of its etymology. In early
Christianity it referred to the office (the ἀρχή, archē) of the bishop in relation to
his subordinates, and developed out of the more general hierarchēs meaning the one who carries
out a sacred ritual. It is however through the works of an unknown author of
the 5th century known to us as Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite that the term
acquired the lexical weight which it has carried ever since and which St Thomas
Aquinas denoted as sacred power (sacer
principatus). In two texts - The Celestial Hierarchy and The Ecclesiastical
Hierarchy, this apocryphal author describes how a transcendent first principle
(God, nominally) is able to govern through the use of intermediaries right down
to the smallest elements of creation. The intermediaries of this divine
government of the world are respectively the order of Angels and the clergy. These
works had immense authority during the middle ages owing to their supposed
provenance as the writings of a Athenian convert of St Paul. Aquinas in
particular drew from the Corpus
Areopagitum, citing it in his Summa Theologiæ more frequently
than he did Aristotle. The ranks of Angels carrying titles such as thrones,
principalities, archangels, and cherubims can still be seen depicted on the ceilings
of Medieval buildings throughout Europe and the near-East.
Hierarchy, sacred order, is the name for this metaphysics of
government, the original "world order" connecting heaven and earth
and the origin of the key concept in bureaucracy. It is also a commonplace term used to describe all manner
of systems of gradation. That this symbolic figure of global technocratic
malaise has its locus in theology is one of the great mysteries of power in the
West. In my next piece we'll delve deeper into the meaning of this
economic-theological concept, drawing out the "metaphysics of hierarchy"
and how it depends on an important distinction in the Ancient Greek
understanding of Law.
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